110-item wordlists for the Lezgian group (North Caucasian family).

Languages included: Nidzh Udi, Vartashen Udi, Archi, Kryts (proper), Alyk Kryts, Budukh, Mishlesh Tsakhur, Mikik Tsakhur, Gelmets Tsakhur, Mukhad Rutul, Ixrek Rutul, Luchek Rutul, Koshan Aghul, Keren Aghul, Gequn Aghul, Fite Aghul, Aghul (proper), Northern Tabasaran, Southern Tabasaran, Gyune Lezgi.

Reconstructed languages: Proto-Lezgian.



110-item wordlists for the Khinalug group (North Caucasian family).

Languages included: Khinalug



1. Udi (Nidzh; Vartashen).

Two dialects of the Udi language - Nidzh and Vartashen - are closely related, but it is reasonable to treat them apart when applying lexicostatistics. The main lexicographic sources are [Gukasyan 1974] (both dialect) and [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] (Nidzh nouns).

In the field Common Udi, the term "Proto-Udi" is sometimes used. This refers to the language that yielded the modern Nidzh and Vartashen dialects. Proto-Udi is opposed to "Proto-Caucasian Albanian-Udi" - an ancestor of the language of the Caucasian Albanian palimpsests, on the one hand, and of Proto-Udi, on the other.

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources (for all the other alphabets ever used for Udi see [Maisak 2008c: 456 ff.])



[Gukasyan 1974], [Comrie & Khalilov 2010]

[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]

[NCED]

[Schulze-Fürhoff 1994]

[Schulze 2001], [Schulze 2005]

[Harris 2002]

[Mobili 2010]

MosLex


п

p

p

p

p

p

p

p

б

b

b

b

b

b

b

b

п1, пI

p:


ф

f

f

f

f

f

f

f

в

v

w

v, w

v

v, w

v

v


т

t

t

t

t

t

t

t

д

d

d

d

d

d

d

d

т1, тI

t:


ц

c

c

c

c

c

ś

c

дз

ʒ

ʒ

ʒ

ʒ

ʒ

z

ʒ

ц1, цI

c:


с

s

s

s

s

s

s

s

з

z

z

z

z

z

z

z


ц́

cː, č:I

?

cʼ, ćʼ

?


ч

č

č

č

č

č

ç

č

дж

ǯ

ǯ

ǯ

ǯ

ǰ

c

ǯ

ч1, чI

č̃

č:

čʼ

čʼ

čʼ

čː


ш

š

š

š

š

š

ş

š

ж

ž

ž

ž

ž

ž

j

ž


чъ

čI

čI

ć

č:

ç̌

čˤ

дж1, джI

ǯI

ǯI

ʒ̃

ʒ́

ǰ:

č

ǯˤ

ч́

č̃I

č:I

c̃ʼ

ćʼ

čʼ:

čʼ

čːˤ


ш1, шI

šI

šI

ś

š:

š

šˤ

ж1, жI

žI

žI

ź

ž:

ǰ

žˤ


к

k

k

k

k

k

k

k

г

g

g

g

g

g

g

g

к1, кI

k:


ҝ

g, gy

g

g

g

g

g

g, gʸ


хъ

q

q

q

q

q

q

q

къ

q:


х

X

x

x

x

гъ

R

ʁ

ĝ

ğ

ɣ

ğ

ʁ


гь

h

h

h

h

h

h

h


м

m

m

m

m

m

m

m

н

n

n

n

n

n

n

n

р

r

r

r

r

r

r

r

л

l

l

l

l

l

l

l

й

j

j

y

y

y

y

y


и

i

i

i

i

i

i

i

е

e

e

e

e

e

e

e

а

a

a

a

a

a

a

a

аь

ä

ä

ä

ä

ä

ə

ä

ы

ɨ

ɨ

ь

ə

ə

ı

ɨ

о

o

o

o

o

o

o

o

оь

ö

ö

ö

ö

ö

ö

ö

у

u

u

u

u

u

u

u

уь

ü

ü

ü

ü

ü

ü

ü

VI, qI, šI

VI, qI, šI

Vˤ, qˤ, šˤ



Notes:

1. Our phonetic interpretation of the Nidzh dialect is based on [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 347].

2. According to Kodzasov's report [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 347], the three-way opposition of stops and affricates in Nidzh is as follows: tʰ ~ d ~ t͈, cʰ ~ ʒ ~ c͈ and so on. As noted by Kodzasov, the third series is pronounced with oral and glottal tenseness, but without gemination. We are not aware of any detailed phonetic description of the Modern Vartashen dialect, but according to Dm. Ganenkov (p.c.), the Vartashen three-way opposition of stops and affricates is very similar to the Nidzh one. This is supported by Gukasyan's description of Udi phonetics. In [Gukasyan 1974: 255] and other works of this author, the third series in Udi is called "preruptive", scil. fortis, without any difference between dialects. In order to avoid rare diacritics, we prefer to follow the [NCED] and UdiLang systems and transcribe the third marked series of obstruents with the sign ː. For the same reason, according to common practice, we omit the non-phonological aspiration ʰ for the first series. Thus, in our notation the three-way opposition of Nidzh & Vartashen stops and affricates looks as follows: t ~ d ~ tː, c ~ ʒ ~ cː and so on.

3. It must be noted that in a number of publications by Kartvelologists or Kartvelology-oriented authors (e.g., [Ǯeiranišvili 1971; Fähnrich 1999; Harris 2002]) the Udi system of stops and affricates is noted as t(ʰ) ~ d ~ tʼ, c(ʰ) ~ ʒ ~ cʼ and so on. Such a notation with the third series marked as ejective is a convenient adaptation of the Georgian alphabet, on one hand, and hints at the main etymological origin of the Udi tense obstruents, on the other.

4. The difference between Gukasyan's frequent {ц1} and very rare {ц́} is unclear. We treat both as {ц1} (according to Ganenkov's p.c., modern speakers do not perceive the difference between {ц1} and {ц́}).

5. Pharyngealization (a prosodic feature, which is anchored on vowels or, if present, on post-alveolar č ǯ čː š ž and/or uvular q qː ʁ obstruents in a phonetic word) can probably be noted as ͌ (velopharyngeal friction), but we prefer to use the more common notation ˤ. If there are no post-alveolar or uvular obstruents in a phonetic word, pharyngealization is transcribed for the first vowel. Otherwise, pharyngealization is noted after the first post-alveolar or uvular obstruent. Normally we do not discriminate between a ~ ä, o ~ ö, u ~ ü in pharyngealized words and transcribe these vowels as a, o, u.

6. Vowel length, noted in [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990], normally occurs in recently contracted forms or loanwords.



1a. Caucasian Albanian.

This is the language of two palimpsests, which have been recently recovered, and several short inscriptions. These texts have been elaborated and edited as [Gippert et al. 2008]. The lower (Caucasian Albanian) layers of the palimpsests are dated between 7th-10th centuries of the 1st millennium ad (see [Gippert et al. 2008: I-29 ff.] for detail).

The Caucasian Albanian language is very close to modern Udi, although it is unlikely that Caucasian Albanian is a direct ancestor of the known Nidzh and Vartashen dialects. We treat Caucasian Albanian as a close relative of the "Proto-Udi" language. Caucasian Albanian data, if available, is quoted in the Common Udi field.

The phonetic transcription of the Caucasian Albanian signs is, of course, somewhat of conventionality. In general, we follow the transliteration proposed and substantiated in [Gippert et al. 2008: II-1 ff.] with the following changes:



2. Archi.

The main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik et al. 1977b; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990; Chumakina et al. 2007].

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources (see also the comparative tables in [Kibrik et al. 1977a 1: 41] and at the site of the LangueDOC project: http://www.philol.msu.ru/~languedoc/eng/archi/alphabet.php).



[Chumakina et al. 2007]

[Kibrik et al. 1977a; Kibrik et al. 1977b]

[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]

[Mikailov 1967]

[Comrie & Khalilov 2010]

[NCED]

MosLex


b

b

b

б

б

b

b

p

p (pʰ)

p

п, пп

п

p

p

п, пп

пп

p:

пI

пI


d

d

d

д

д

d

d

t

t (tʰ)

t

т, тт

т

t

t

т, тт

тт

t:

тI

тI


дв

дв

t˳ (tʰ˳)

тв

тв


c

c

c

ц, ц̄

ц

c

c

цI, ц̄I

цI

cːʼ

c̄ʼ

c̄ʼ

цI, ц̄I

ццI

c̣:

cʼː


цв

цв

cʼʷ

cʼ˳

cʼ˳

цIв

цIв

c̣ʷ

cʼʷ


z

z

z

з

з

z

z

s

s

s

с, с̄

с

s

s

с, с̄

сс

s:


зв

зв

св, с̄в

св

sːʷ

s̄˳

s̄˳

св, с̄в

ссв

s:ʷ

sːʷ


č

č

č

ч, ч̄

ч

č

č

čʼ

čʼ

čʼ

чI, ч̄I

чI

č̣

čʼ

čːʼ

č̄ʼ

č̄ʼ

чI, ч̄I

ччI

č̣:

čʼː


čʷ

č˳

č˳

чв, ч̄в

чв

čʷ

čʷ

čʼʷ

čʼ˳

čʼ˳

чIв, ч̄Iв

чIв

č̣ʷ

čʼʷ


ž

ž

ž

ж

ж

ž

ž

š

š

š

ш, ш̄

ш

š

š

šː

š̄

š̄

ш, ш̄

щ

š:

šː


žʷ

ž˳

ž˳

жв

жв

žʷ

žʷ

šʷ

š˳

š˳

шв, ш̄в

шв

šʷ

šʷ

šːʷ

š̄˳

š̄˳

шв, ш̄в

щв

š:ʷ

šːʷ


L

лI

лI

ƛ

ƛ

kɬʼ

ǩʼ

к̄ьI

кь

ƛ̣

ƛʼ


kɬʷ

ǩ˳

лIв

лIв

ƛʷ

ƛʷ

kɬʼʷ

ǩʼ˳

Lʼ˳

к̄ьIв

кьв

ƛ̣ʷ

ƛʼʷ


ɮ

ɣ̌

Ł

ль

ль

L

ʫ

ɬ

ł

лъ, л̄ъ

лъ

λ

ɬ

ɬː

x̄̌

ł̄

лъ, л̄ъ

лълъ, ллъ

λ:

ɬː


ɬʷ

x̌˳

ł˳

лъв, л̄ъв

лъв

λʷ

ɬʷ

ɬːʷ

x̄̌˳

ł̄˳

лъв, л̄ъв

лълъв, ллъв

λ:ʷ

ɬːʷ


g

g

g

г

г

g

g

k

k (kʰ)

k

к, кк

к

k

k

к, кк

кк

k:

кI

кI


гв

гв

k˳ (kʰ˳)

кв, ккв

кв

kːʷ

k̄˳

k̄˳

кв, ккв

ккв

k:ʷ

kːʷ

kʼʷ

kʼ˳

kʼ˳

кIв

кIв

ḳʷ

kʼʷ


q

q

q

хъ

хъ

q

q

кь, к̄ь

къ

qːʼ

q̄ʼ

q̄ʼ

кь, к̄ь

къкъ, ккъ

q̇:

qʼː


хъв

хъв

qʼʷ

qʼ˳

qʼ˳

кьв

къв

q̇ʷ

qʼʷ


ʁ

R

R

гъ

гъ

ʁ

ʁ

x

X

х, х̄

х, хь

ː

х, х̄

хх, хь

:

ː


ʁʷ

гъв

гъв

ʁʷ

ʁʷ

ʷ

хв, х̄в

хв, хьв

ʷ

ʷ

ːʷ

x̄˳

X̄˳

хв, х̄в

ххв, ххьIв

ːʷ


ʕ

ʻ

ʕ

гI

гI

ʕ

ħ

H

H

хI, х̄I

хI

ħ


ʔ

ʼ

ʔ

ʼ

ʔ

ʔ

h

h

h

гь

гь

h

h


w

w

w

в

в

w

w

m

m

m

м

м

m

m

n

n

n

н

н

n

n

nn

nn

nn

нн

нн

nn

nː, nn

r

r

r

р

р

r

r

l

l

l

л

л

l

l

j

j

j

й

й

j

y


i

i

i

и

и

i

i

e

e

e

е, э

е, э

e

e

a

a

a

а

а

a

a

ə

ə

ə

ы

ы

ə

ə

o

o

o

о

о

o

o

u

u

u

у

у

u

u

Vˤ, qˤ

VI, qI

VI, VqI

VI

VI

VI, qI

Vˤ, qˤ

V

V̄, V

V

V

V

ˈV



Notes.

1. According to Kodzasov's report [Kibrik et al. 1977a 1: 206 ff., 226 ff.], the voiceless stops are, in fact, aspirated: pʰ tʰ kʰ. Following common practice, we omit the sign ʰ and denote these as plain voiceless consonants: p t k.

2. The tense series of obstruents should rather be denoted as , but, in order to avoid rare diacritics, we prefer to follow the common practice and mark these consonants as geminated .

3. Following common practice, we do not note the initial glottal-stop (ʔ), which is an automatic prothesis in the case of vocalic onset.

4. Normally we denote pharyngealization as ˤ after the first vowel or after the first uvular obstruent (if there are uvulars in a phonetic word), although the real situation is somewhat more complicated, see [Kibrik et al. 1977a 1: 250 ff.].



3. Kryts (proper; Alyk).

The Kryts (Kryz) language consists of several dialects named according to the corresponding villages. It is sometimes proposed to regard these dialects as separate languages. Out of these, two idioms have been more or less systematically described: Kryts proper (the Kryts village) and Alyk Kryts (the Alyk village).

For Kryts proper the main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]. A less reliable source is [Comrie & Khalilov 2010] (it seems that normally forms from Kryts proper are quoted, taken from Kibrik & Kodzasov's dictionaries, but in some cases the forms are either corrupted or originate from other dialects). Some exclusive forms are quoted after [NCED] and [LEDb], whose authors collected lexical data from Kryts proper themselves, during the MSU expedition of 1977. Some forms and grammatical information have also been taken from [Saadiev 1994].

The basic source for Alyk Kryts is the descriptive grammar [Authier 2009].

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources:



[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]

[Saadiev 1994]

[Authier 2009]

[Comrie & Khalilov 2010]

[NCED]

MosLex


b

b

b

б

b

b

p

p

p

п

p

p

пI


v

v

v

в

w, v

v

f

f

f

ф

f

f


d

d

d

д

d

d

t

t

t

т

t

t

тI


ʒ

ʒ

дз

ʒ

ʒ

c

c

ц

c

c

tsʼ

цI


z

z

z

з

z

z

s

s

s

с

s

s


ǯ

ǯ

c

дж

ǯ

ǯ

č

č

ç

ч

č

č

čʼ

čʼ

çʼ

чI

č̣

čʼ


čʼ̊

č̣ʷ

čʼʷ


ž

ž

j

ж

ž

ž

š

š

ş

ш

š

š


g

g

g

г

g

g

k

k

k

к

k

k

кI


gv

гв

kv

кв

kʼ˳

kʼ̊

kʼv

кIв

ḳʷ

kʼʷ


ǧ

ĝ

gh

г̌

ɣ

ɣ

x

xh

хь

x

x


x̂̊

xhv

хьв


G

qː-

ğ

къ-

q:-

ɢ (qː in the initial position or before a voiceless consonant)

q

q

q

хъ

q

q

кь


qː̊

ğv

къв

q:ʷ

ɢʷ, qːʷ

qv

хъв

qʼ˳

qʼ̊

qʼv

къв

q̇ʷ

qʼʷ


R

ǧ

ğ

гъ

ʁ

ʁ

X

x

х


x̌˳

xv

хв

ʷ

ʷ


ʕ

ʕ

ˤ

гI

ʕ

ʕ

H

ħ

хI

ħ

ħ


ʔ

ʔ

ʻ, ʼ

ъ

ʔ

ʔ

h

h

h

гь

h

h


m

m

m

м

m

m

n

n

n

н

n

n

r

r

r

р

r

r

l

l

l

л

l

l

j

y

y

й

j

y


i

i

i

и

i

i

e

e

e

е, э

e

e

a

a

a

а

a

a

ä

ä, e

аь

ä

ä

ě

e

ě, е

e

e

ɨ

ə

ы

ɨ

ɨ

o

o

о

o

o

ö

ö

оь

ö

ö

u

u

u

у

u

u

ü

ü

уь

ü

ü



Voiceless stops and affricates are actually aspirated: pʰ tʰ cʰ and so on. Following common practice, we omit the sign ʰ and denote these as plain voiceless: p t c and so on.



4. Budukh.

The main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] and [Meylanova 1984]. Some forms and grammatical information have been taken from [Talibov 2007] and [Alekseev 1994]. An unreliable source is [Comrie & Khalilov 2010], which is generally based on the short Russian-Budukh word index at the end of [Meylanova 1984], without attention to semantic nuances of quasi-synonyms.

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources:



[Meylanova 1984; Comrie & Khalilov 2010]

[Talibov 2007]

[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]

[Alekseev 1994]

[NCED]

MosLex


б

б

b

b

b

b

п

п

p

p

p

p

пI

пI


в

в

v

v

w, v

v

ф

ф

f

f

f

f


д

д

d

d

d

d

т

т

t

t

t

t

тI

тI


ц

c

c

c

цI

цI


з

з

z

z

z

z

с

с

s

s

s

s


дж

ǯ

ǯ

ǯ

ǯ

ч

ч

č

č

č

č

чI

чI

čʼ

čʼ

č̣

čʼ


ж

ж

ž

ž

ž

ž

ш

ш

š

š

š

š


г

г

g

g

g

g

к

к

k

k

k

k

кI

кI


ǧ

ɣ

ɣ

хь

хь

x

x

x


къ (къг)

къ (къг)

G

q:-

ɢ (qː in the initial & final positions or before a voiceless consonant)

хъ

хъ

q

q

q

q

кь

кь


гъ

гъ

R

ǧ

ʁ

ʁ

х

х

X


ъ

ъ

ʡ

ʡ

ʡ

ʡ

гI

гI

ʕ

ʕ

ʕ

ʕ

хI

хI

H

ħ

ħ

ħ


ъ

ъ

ʔ

ʔ

ʔ

ʔ

гь

гь

h

h

h

h


м

м

m

m

m

m

н

н

n

n

n

n

р

р

r

r

r

r

л

л

l

l

l

l

й

й

j

y

j

y


и

и

i

i

i

i

е, э

е, э

e

e

e

e

а

а

a

a

a

a

аь

аь

ä

ä

ä

ä

ы

ы

ɨ

ɨ

ɨ

ɨ

а

а, ă

ə

ə

ə

ə

о

о

o

o

o

o

оь

оь

ö

ö

ö

ö

у

у

u

u

u

u

уь

уь

ü

ü

ü

ü



Notes.

1. Voiceless stops and affricates are actually aspirated: pʰ tʰ čʰ and so on. Following common practice, we omit the sign ʰ and denote these as plain voiceless: p t č and so on.

2. According to Kodzasov's report [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 345], voiced stops and affricates - b d ǯ g ɢ - become voiceless unaspirated (and apparently tense) in the initial and final position or before a voiceless obstruent, i.e. shift to p t č g q (apparently p͈ t͈ č͈ g͈ q͈), but do not coincide with the voiceless aspirated series mentioned above. Following common practice (cf. Kibrik & Kodzasov's transcription or traditional Cyrillic orthography), we do not reflect this non-phonological change and denote these phonemes as b d ǯ g in all positions. The only exception is /ɢ/ (Kibrik & Kodzasov' G), which is transcribed as tense in the initial and final position or before a voiceless obstruent and as ɢ otherwise. As noted in [Talibov 2007: 27], however, some speakers may articulate /ɢ/ as [qː] in all positions.

3. On sporadically attested consonantal geminates see [Alekseev 1994: 294] w. lit.



5. Tsakhur (Mishlesh; Mikik; Gelmets).

The Tsakhur language consists of two dialectal groups [Ibragimov 1990: 12-13; Schulze 1997: 8]: Tsakh and Gelmets. The Tsakh group is divided into the following dialects, all of which are rather close to each other: Tsakhur-Kum, Mishlesh, Dzhynykh, Mukhakh-Sabunchi, Suvagil (named according to the corresponding villages or the groups of villages). The Gelmets group is divided into the Gelmets and Lek/Kurdul dialects. The dialect of the village Mikik is described as "transitional between Tsakh and Gelmets" in [Ibragimov 1990: 13]; in [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988: 4] the Mikik dialect is considered to be closer to Tsakh.

The newborn literary Tsakhur language, described in [Ibragimov & Nurmamedov 2010], is based on the Tsakh dialectal group, mostly on the Tsakhur-Kum and Mishlesh dialects [Ibragimov & Nurmamedov 2010: 13, 502] (for the most part, apparently, on Mishlesh proper).

The database includes three lists: for Mishlesh (Tsakh group), Gelmets (Gelmets group) and Mikik ("transitional") dialects. Unfortunately, only data on nouns have been systematically recorded and published for the Tsakhur-Kum (Tsakh group) dialect.

For the Mishlesh dialect, the main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik et al. 1999] (Mishlesh dialect) as well as [Ibragimov & Nurmamedov 2010] (literary Tsakhur). Some Mishlesh forms and grammatical information have been taken from [Ibragimov 1990]. In addition, literary Tsakhur forms from [Comrie & Khalilov 2010] (an unreliable source) are also quoted. In the notes, forms from the Tsakhur-Kum dialect (if known) are quoted after [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] (K&K's siglum "ЦАХЦ") and [Schulze 1997].

For the Mikik dialect, the main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988] (verbs), [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] (nouns; K&K's siglum "ЦАХ"), [Dirr 1913]. It is not explicated in [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988] which dialect is described by the authors under the siglum "ЦАХ" - Mikik, Tsakhur-Kum or Gelmets. Proceeding from the fact that these verbal forms are accompanied by the tonal information, we conclude that in [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988], the Mikik dialect is represented; some phonetic peculiarities also point to the Mikik dialect; the Mikik origin of the data of [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988] is also explicitly noted, e.g., in [Kibrik et al. 1999: 70] (in [NCED: 13], however, it is presumed that the siglum "ЦАХ" in [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988] covers the Tsakhur-Kum dialect).

For the Gelmets dialect, the main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] (K&K's siglum "ЦАХГ"), where data on nouns from the Gelmets village are published. Gelmets verbs are quoted after [Ibragimov 1990] and, cautiously, after [Comrie & Khalilov 2010]. Grammatical information has been taken from [Ibragimov 1990].

The following transliterational chart, covering our principal sources, can be presented (note that the Cyrillic orthography of [Ibragimov & Nurmamedov 2010] is very inconsistent, especially where it concerns palatalized consonants, y, ʔ etc.; in [Comrie & Khalilov 2010], additionally, the orthographic systems of [Ibragimov 1990] and [Ibragimov & Nurmamedov 2010] are mixed):



[Ibragimov 1990]

[Ibragimov & Nurmamedov 2010]

[Kibrik et al. 1999]

[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]

[NCED]

MosLex


б

б

b

b

b

b

п

п

p

p

p

p

пп

пп

p:

пI

пI


ф

ф

f

f

f

f


д (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

д (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

d (dɣ + i, e)

d (dy̱ + i, e)

d

d

дʹ (д + и, е)

дʹ (д + е, ё, ю, я, и)

dj (d + i, e)

dy (d + i, e)

d́, dʼ (d + i, e)

т (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

т (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

t (tɣ + i, e)

t (ty̱ + i, e)

t

t

тʹ (т + и, е)

тʹ (т + е, ё, ю, я, и)

tj (t + i, e)

ty (t + i, e)

t́, tʼ (t + i, e)

тт (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

тт (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

t̄ (t̄ɣ + i, e)

t̄ (t̄y̱ + i, e)

t:

ттʹ (тт + и, е)

ттʹ (тт + е, ё, ю, я, и)

j (t̄ + i, e)

t̄y (t̄ + i, e)

t́:, tʼ: (t: + i, e)

tːʸ

тI (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

тI (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

tʼ (tʼɣ + i, e)

tʼ (tʼy̱ + i, e)

тIʹ (тI + и, е)

тIʹ (тI + е, ё, ю, я, и)

j (tʼ + i, e)

tʼy (tʼ + i, e)

ṭ́, ṭʼ (ṭ + i, e)

tʼʸ


тв

тв

тIв

тIв

tʼ˳

tʼ˳

ṭʷ

tʼʷ


дз

дз

-

-

-

ʒ

ц (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

ц (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

c (cɣ + i, e)

c (cy̱ + i, e)

c

c

цʹ (ц + и, е)

цʹ (ц + е, ё, ю, я, и)

cj (c + i, e)

cy (c + i, e)

ć, cʼ (c + i, e)

цI (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

цI (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

cʼ (cʼɣ + i, e)

cʼ (cʼy̱ + i, e)

цIʹ (цI + и, е)

цIʹ (цI + е, ё, ю, я, и)

j (cʼ + i, e)

cʼy (c + i, e)

ć̣, c̣ʼ (c̣ + i, e)

cʼʸ

цц

цц

c:


цв

цв

цIв

цIв

cʼ˳

cʼ˳

c̣ʷ

cʼʷ


з (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

з (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

z (zɣ + i, e)

z (zy̱ + i, e)

z

z

зʹ (з + и, е)

зʹ (з + е, ё, ю, я, и)

zj (z + i, e)

zy (z + i, e)

ź, zʼ (z + i, e)

с (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

с (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

s (sɣ + i, e)

s (sy̱ + i, e)

s

s

сʹ (с + и, е)

сʹ (с + е, ё, ю, я, и)

sj (s + i, e)

sy (s + i, e)

ś, sʼ (s + i, e)

сс (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

сс (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

s̄ (s̄ɣ + i, e)

s̄ (s̄y̱ + i, e)

s:

ссʹ (сс + и, е)

ссʹ (сс + е, ё, ю, я, и)

j (s̄ + i, e)

s̄y (s̄ + i, e)

ś:, sʼ: (s: + i, e)

sːʸ


зв

зв


дж

дж

ǯ

ǯ

ǯ

ǯ

ч

ч

č

č

č

č

чI

чI

čʼ

čʼ

č̣

čʼ

чч

чч

č̄

č̄

č:

čː


джв

джв

ǯ˳

ǯ˳

ǯʷ

ǯʷ

чв

чв

č˳

č˳

čʷ

čʷ

чIв

чIв

čʼ˳

čʼ˳

č̣ʷ

čʼʷ


ж

ж

-

ž

ž

ž

ш

ш

š

š

š

š

щ, шш

щ

š̄

š̄

š:

šː


жв

жв

-

ž˳

žʷ

žʷ

шв

шв

š˳

š˳

šʷ

šʷ

щв

щв

š̄˳

š̄˳

š:ʷ

šːʷ


г (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

г (+ о, у, а, и, ы)

g (gɣ + i, e)

g (gy̱ + i, e)

g

g

гʹ (г + и, е)

гʹ (г + ё, ю, я)

gj (g + i, e)

gy (g + i, e)

ǵ, gʼ (g + i, e)

к (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

к (+ о, у, а, и, ы)

k (kɣ + i, e)

k (ky̱ + i, e)

k

kk

кʹ (к + и, е)

кʹ (к + ё, ю, я)

kj (k + i, e)

ky (k + i, e)

ḱ, kʼ (k + i, e)

кI (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

кI (+ о, у, а, и, ы)

kʼ (kʼɣ + i, e)

kʼ (kʼy̱ + i, e)

кIʹ (кI + и, е)

кIʹ (кI + ё, ю, я)

j (kʼ + i, e)

kʼy (kʼ + i, e)

ḳ́, ḳʼ (ḳ + i, e)

kʼʸ

кк (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

кк (+ о, у, а, и, ы)

k̄ (k̄ɣ + i, e)

k̄ (k̄y̱ + i, e)

k:

ккʹ (кк + и, е)

ккʹ (кк + ё, ю, я)

j (in the table on p. 16 misspelled as k̄˳)

k̄y (k̄ + i, e)

ḱ:, kʼ: (k: + i, e)

kːʸ


гв

гв

кв

кв

кIв

кIв

kʼ˳

kʼ˳

ḳʷ

kʼʷ


г̆

гI

ǧ

ǧ

ɣ

ɣ

хь (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

хь (+ о, у, а, и, ы)

x (xɣ + i, e)

x (xy̱ + i, e)

x

x

хьʹ (хь + и, е)

хьʹ (хь + ё, ю, я)

xj (x + i, e)

xy (x + i, e)

x́, xʼ (x + i, e)

х̄ь (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

ххь (+ о, у, а, и, ы)

x̄ (x̄ɣ + i, e)

x̄ (x̄y̱ + i, e)

x:

х̄ьʹ (х̄ь + и, е)

ххьʹ (ххь + ё, ю, я)

j (x̄ + i, e)

x̄y (x̄ + i, e)

x́:, xʼ: (x: + i, e)

xːʸ


хьв

хьв

х̄в

ххьв

x̄˳

x̄˳

x:ʷ

xːʷ


къ

къ

G

G

q:-

Mishlesh: ɢ (qː in the initial); Tsakhur-Kum: ɢ; Mikik & Gelmets: qː (in the initial position).

хъ

хъ

q

q

q

q

кь

кь

х̄ъ

ххъ

q:


къв

къв

q:ʷ-

Mishlesh: ɢʷ (qːʷ in the initial); Tsakhur-Kum: ɢʷ; Mikik & Gelmets: qːʷ (in the initial position).

хъв

хъв

кьв

кьв

qʼ˳

qʼ˳

q̇ʷ

qʼʷ

х̄ъв

ххъв

q̄˳

q̄˳

q:ʷ

qːʷ


гъ

гъ

R

R

ʁ

ʁ

х

х

X

X

хх

хх

:

ː


гъв

гъв

ʁʷ

ʁʷ

хьв

хьв

ʷ

ʷ

-

ххьв

X̄˳

X̄˳

ːʷ


ъ

ъ

ʔ

ʔ

ʔ

ʔ

гь

гь

h

h

h

h


гьв

гьв

-


м

м

m

m

m

m

н (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

н (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

n (nɣ + i, e)

n (ny̱ + i, e)

n

n

нʹ (н + и, е)

нʹ (н + е, ё, ю, я, и)

nj (n + i, e)

ny (n + i, e)

ń, nʼ (n + i, e)

р

р

r

r

r

r

л (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

л (+ э, о, у, а, ы)

l (lɣ + i, e)

l (ly̱ + i, e)

l

l

лʹ (л + и, е)

лʹ (л + е, ё, ю, я, и)

lj (l + i, e)

ly (l + i, e)

ĺ, lʼ (l + i, e)

в

в

w

w

v, w

w

й

й (я, ю, ё, е)

j

j

j

y


и

и

i

i

i

i

е, э

е, э

e

e

e

e

а

а, я

a

a

a

a

ы

ы

ɨ

ɨ

ɨ

ɨ

о

о, ё

o

o

o

o

у

у, ю

u

u

u

u

аь

ä

ä

ä

оь

ö

ö

ö

уь

ü

ü

ü

VV, V̄

ий

ий

ī

i:

ī

къʹ, хъʹ, х̄ъʹ, кьʹ(в), гъʹ(в), хʹ(в), ххʹ, ъʹ, гьʹ(в), VI

VI

VI

GI, qI, qʼI, q̄I, RI, XI, X̄I, VI

GI, qI, qʼI, q̄I, ʁI, I, :I, VI

qˤ, ... , ˤ, ... , Vˤ



Notes.

1. Plain voiceless stops and affricates are actually aspirated: pʰ tʰ čʰ and so on. Following common practice, we omit the sign ʰ and denote these as plain voiceless: p t č and so on.

2. Voiced stops and affricates become devoiced in the initial and final position (not always) and after a voiceless fricative (/sd/ > [st], always), see [Kibrik et al. 1999: 14; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 343]. Following common practice (cf. Kibrik & Kodzasov's transcription or Cyrillic orthography), we do not reflect this non-phonological change, e.g., /sd/ is written as sd.

3. According to Kodzasov's report [Kibrik et al. 1999: 14-15], in the Mishlesh dialect the phoneme {G} (i.e. ɢ in IPA) occurs as [ɢ] in the intervocalic position, whereas in the initial position {G} is normally (but not always) realized as a voiceless non-aspirated [q]. For the sake of convenience, we transcribe all instances of Mishlesh initial {G} as (note that the proper phoneme occurs only in the intervocalic position), whereas Mishlesh intervocal {G} is transcribed as ɢ. According to [Schulze 1997: 14, 16], in the Tsakhur-Kum dialect the phoneme {G} (i.e. ɢ in IPA and Schulze’s notation) occurs as [ɢ] in both initial and medial positions. On the contrary, in the Mikik dialect (as well as, apparently, in Gelmets) Kibrik & Kodzasov's {G} occurs only in the initial position (being in complementary distribution with intervocalic ). This initial {G} is realized as voiceless non-aspirated [q] [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 343]. We transcribe Mikik initial {G} as .

4. Normally, in all Tsakhur dialects we denote pharyngealization as ˤ after the first vowel or after the first uvular obstruent (if there is a uvular in the phonetic word), although the real situation is more complicated, see [Kibrik et al. 1999: 19] for the Mishlesh dialect, [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 344] for the Mikik dialect. Ibragimov [Ibragimov 1990: 182] reports on gradual loss of pharyngealization in the speech of younger generations in the Gelmets dialect; apparently this process is almost completed in the speech of the Gelmets informant in [Comrie & Khalilov 2010].

5. We do not note initial glottal-stop [ʔ], which is automatic in vowel-initial forms. We also do not note stress and/or tone, because the dialectal systems are too poorly described and the available data are contradictory.



6. Rutul (Mukhad; Ixrek; Luchek).

The Rutul language consists of several dialects (see [Ibragimov 1978: 13 ff.] and [Makhmudova 2001: 3]): 1) Mukhad (proper Rutul or literary Rutul) dialect; 2) Shinaz dialect; 3) Muxrek (Myukhrek) dialect; 4) Ixrek (Ikhrek) dialect; 5) Borch-Khnov (Borch-Khinov) dialect; 6) "Mixed" dialects - according to [Ibragimov 1978: 15], the villages Kala, Amsar (Asar), Vurush (Vrush), Kina & Luchek represent the results of local migrations. Dialects of these villages are close to the Mukhad, Shinaz, sometimes to Ixrek dialects. Ibragimov labels them as "mixed dialects". Out of these, the Borch-Khnov dialect is the most detached; sometimes it is considered to be a separate language [Ibragimov 1978: 226 fn. 1].

The database includes three lists: Mukhad (proper Rutul), Ixrek, Luchek ("mixed") dialects. Unfortunately, the Borch-Khnov data have so far not been systematically recorded and published (except for glosses in [Comrie & Khalilov 2010]).

For the Mukhad dialect, the main lexicographic sources are [Dirr 1912] and [Ibragimov 1978]. Some Mukhad forms and grammatical information have been taken from [Makhmudova 2001] and [Alekseev 1994a]. In addition, literary Rutul forms from [Comrie & Khalilov 2010] (an unreliable source) are also quoted.

For the Ixrek dialect, the main lexicographic source is [Dzhamalov & Semedov 2006]. Some Ixrek forms and grammatical information have been taken from [Ibragimov 1978]. In addition, Ixrek forms from [Comrie & Khalilov 2010] (an unreliable source) are also quoted.

For the Luchek dialect, the main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988] and [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990].

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources:



[Ibragimov 1978]

[Dzhamalov & Semedov 2006]

[Comrie & Khalilov 2010]

[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988], [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]

[NCED]

MosLex


б

б

б

b

b

b

п

п

п

p

p

p

пI

пI

пI


ф

ф

ф

f

f

f


д

д

д

d

d

d

дд

дд

dd

dd

т

т

т

t

t

t

тт

тт

тт

tt

tt

тI

тI

тI


тIв

тIв

тIв

ṭʷ

tʼʷ


дз

дз

дз

ʒ

ʒ

ʒ

ц

ц

ц

c

c

c

цI

цI

цI


цв

цв

цIв

цIв

cʼ˳

c̣ʷ

cʼʷ


з

з

з

z

z

z

с

с

с

s

s

s


св

св

св


дж

дж

дж

ǯ

ǯ

ǯ

ч

ч

ч

č

č

č

чI

чI

чI

čʼ

č̣

čʼ


джв

джв

джв

ǯ˳

ǯʷ

ǯʷ

чв

чв

č˳

čʷ

čʷ

чIв

чIв

чIв

čʼ˳

č̣ʷ

čʼʷ


ж

ж

ж

ž

ž

ž

ш

ш

ш

š

š

š


шв

шв

š˳

šʷ

šʷ


г

г

г

g

g

g

гʹ

gy

ǵ

гг

гг

gg

gg

к

к

к

k

k

k

кʹ

ky

кк

кк

кк

kk

kk

кI

кI

кI

кIʹ

kʼy

ḳ́

kʼʸ


гв

гв

гв

кв

кв

кв

кIв

кIв

кIв

kʼ˳

ḳʷ

kʼʷ


г̆

гI

гI

ǧ

ɣ

ɣ

хь

хь

хь

x

x

x

хьʹ

xy


хьв

хьв

хьв


къ

къ

къ

G

q:

ɢ (qː in the initial position).

хъ

хъ

хъ

q

q

q

х̄ъ

къкъ

къкъ

GG

GG

-qː-

кь

кь

кь


къв

къв

къв

q:ʷ-

ɢʷ (qːʷ in the initial position).

хъв

хъв

хъв

кьв

кьв

кьв

qʼ˳

q̇ʷ

qʼʷ


гъ

гъ

гъ

R

ʁ

ʁ

х

х

х

X


гъв

гъв

гъв

ʁʷ

ʁʷ

хв

хв

хв

ʷ

ʷ


ʕ

ʕ

ʕ

ъ

ъ

ъ

ʔ

ʔ

ʔ

гь, ъ

гь

гь

h

h

h


м

m

m

m

m

н

н

н

n

n

n

р

r

r

r

r

л

л

л

l

l

l

лʹ

ly

ĺ

в

в

в

w, v

v, w

w

й

й (ю, я, е, ё)

й (ю, я, е, ё)

j

j

y


и

и

и

i

i

i

е, э

е, э

е, э

e

e

e

а

а

а

a

a

a

ы

ы

ы

ɨ

ɨ

ɨ

о

о

о

o

o

o

у

у

у

u

u

u

аь

аь, я

аь

ä

ä

уь, ӱ

уь

уь

ü

ü

ü

VV

къʹ(в), ... , гьʹ, VI

VI

VI

qI, ... , hI, VI

qI, ... , hI, VI

qˤ, ... , hˤ, Vˤ



Notes.

1. Plain voiceless stops and affricates are actually aspirated: pʰ tʰ čʰ and so on. Following common practice, we omit the sign ʰ and denote these as plain voiceless: p t č and so on.

2. Voiced stops and affricates become devoiced in the initial position (not always) and after a voiceless fricative (/sd/ > [st], always), see [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 342]. Following common practice (cf. Kibrik & Kodzasov's transcription or Cyrillic orthography), we do not reflect this non-phonological change, e.g., /sd/ is written as sd. An exception is /ɢ/, which is always realized as [q] or [qː] in the initial position at least in the Luchek dialect; we transcribe initial /ɢ-/ (Cyrillic {къ}, Kibrik & Kodzasov's {G}) as qː-.

3. Palatalization of velars and l is phonological in the final position in the Luchek dialect. In some dialects, consonants can also be automatically palatalized before front vowels; we do not note this in our transcription.

4. Pharyngealization is normally a segmental feature, which distinguishes between two series of uvular and laryngeal consonants (q - qˤ, ʁ - ʁˤ, ʔ - ʔˤ and so on). Adjacent vowels can also be pharyngealized, but we do not reflect this in the notation. If there are no uvulars/laryngeals in the phonetic word, we denote pharyngealization as ˤ after the first vowel. We also do not mark the initial glottal-stop [ʔ], which is automatic in vowel-initial forms. It seems, however, that in the Cyrillic notation of [Ibragimov 1978] and [Makhmudova 2001] initial {ъ} may denote not an automatic ʔ-, but h- (cf., e.g., the transcriptional fluctuation {ъадхыд} ~ {гьадхыд} for had-ɨd 'high' in [Ibragimov 1978: 151]).

5. We do not mark stress, since the dialectal systems are not systematically described; furthermore, in many cases the place of stress seems to be synchronically predictable.



7. Aghul (proper; Koshan; Keren; Gequn; Fite).

According to [Magometov 1970: 15; Shaumyan 1941: 12; Suleymanov 1993: 17 ff, 203] and other authors, the Aghul language can be divided in several dialects: 1) Koshan (sub-dialects of the villages Burshag, Arsug, Khudig); 2) Keren (sub-dialects of the villages Richa, Usug and some other); 3) Gequn (the village Gequn/Burkikhan); 4) Fite (the village Fit’e); 5) Aghul proper (sub-dialects of the villages Tpig, Tsirkhe, Duldug, Kurag, Yarkug, Khpyuk and some other). Tsirkhe and Khpyuk are sometimes regarded to be separate dialects.

Out of these, the Koshan dialect is the most detached. It is reported in [Suleymanov 2003: 4] that Koshan is not completely mutually intelligible with other Aghul dialects (as far as we can judge, due to phonetic differences rather than proper lexical divergence). The newborn literary Aghul language is based on the proper Aghul dialect (for the most part, on the sub-dialect of the village Tpig). The available lexicographical data is sufficient for the compiling of five lists: Koshan, Keren, Gequn, Fite, Proper Aghul.

For Koshan dialect (Burshag village), the main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] (K&K’s siglum "АГБЩ"). The data from [Suleymanov 2003] are less reliable, particularly since the dictionary is generally "Tpig-oriented", the author does not discriminate between three sub-dialects of Koshan, and some specific Koshan phonemes (laryngeals and tense fricatives) are not always transcribed properly.

For Keren dialect (Richa village), the main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] (K&K’s siglum "АГРИ").

For Gequn dialect (Gequn/Burkikhan village), the main lexicographic sources are [Dirr 1907] and [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] (nominal forms only; K&K’s siglum "АГБХ").

For Fite dialect (Fit'e village), the main lexicographic source is [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] (nominal forms only; K&K’s siglum "АГФИ"). Additional sources are [Shaumyan 1941; Magometov 1970; Suleymanov 1993].

For the proper Aghul dialect (Tpig village), the main lexicographic sources are [Suleymanov 2003] and [Shaumyan 1941] (some phonetically important Tpig forms are also quoted in [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990], K&K's siglum "АГТП"). Unfortunately, the dictionary [Ramazanov 2010] (ca. 5000 non-derived lexemes) is an unreliable source, containing a substantial number of incorrect semantic definitions, cases of incorrect phonetical or morphological analysis, or merely ghost words. One can suspect that [Ramazanov 2010] is based on the sub-dialect of the Kurag village (Proper Aghul dialect), which is the native idiom of the author, but in fact a number of specific terms of other dialects is also included in the dictionary - usually without any notes. Lexical data of the literary Aghul language (Proper Aghul dialect) as well as of the Koshan dialect are systematically quoted in [Comrie & Khalilov 2010], but we prefer not to use this source due to its general unreliability.

Relevant lexicographical information on specific sub-dialects from [Shaumyan 1941; Magometov 1970; Suleymanov 1993] is quoted in the notes. Grammatical information for various dialects has been taken from [Shaumyan 1941; Magometov 1970; Suleymanov 1993; Tarlanov 1994].

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources (in [Shaumyan 1941], the diacritical ّ (shadda) can also be optionally used for tense consonants):



[Suleymanov 2003]

[Magometov 1970]

[Shaumyan 1941]

[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]

[NCED]

MosLex


б

b

b

b

b

b

п

p

ϕ

p

p

p

пп

pə

p

p:

пI


ф

f

f

f

f

f

fə

f

f:


д

d

d

d

d

d

т

t

ϑ

t

t

t

тт

tə

t, τ

t:

тI


дз

ʒ

ď

ʒ

ʒ

ц

c

ϑ̇

c

c

c

цц

cə

τ̇

c:

цI


з

z

z

z

z

z

с

s

s

s

s

s

sə

s

s:


дж

ǯ

ǯ

ǯ

ǯ

ч

č

ϑ̣

č

č

č

чч

čə

τ̣

č̄

č:

čː

чI

č̣

čʼ

č̣

čʼ


джв

ǯ̊

ḓ̊

ʒ̊

ǯʷ

ǯʷ

чв

č̊

ϑ̣̊

čʷ

čʷ

чIв

č̣̊

ṭ̊

c̊ʼ

č̣ʷ

čʼʷ


ж

ž

ȷ

ž

ž

ž

ш

š

ш

š

š

š

šə

ш

š̄

š:

šː


жв

ž̊

žʷ

žʷ

шв

š̊

ш̊

šʷ

šʷ

šə̊

ш̊

s̊̄

š:ʷ

šːʷ


г

g

g

g

g

g

к

k

q

k

k

k

кк

kə

k, κ

k:

кI


хь

χ

x

x

x

ə

χ

x:


хъ

q

q

q

q

къ

qə

κ̣

q:

кь


гъ

ɣ

ǧ

R

ʁ

ʁ

х

x

X

xə

:

ː


ɣʹ

ع (ayin)

Ř

ʕ

hə

ħ

ħ


I (ъʹ, ъʿ)

ω

ع (ayin)

ʡ

ʡ

ʡ

гI

hə, ɣʹ

ɣ, ع (ayin)

ʕ

ʕ

ʢ

хI

hə

ħ

H

ħ

ʜ


ъ

ʼ

ء (hamza)

ʔ

ʔ

ʔ

гь

h

h

h

h

h


м

m

m

m

m

m

н

n

n

n

n

n

р

r

r

r

r

r

л

l

l

l

l

l

в

w

w

w

v, w

w

й (ю, я, е)

j

y

j

j

y


ʼ

Cy

Ć


и

i

ı

i

i

i

е, э

e

e

e

e

e

а

a

a

a

a

a

аь

ä

ä

ä

ä

ä

у

u, u̇

u

u

u

u

уь

ü

ü

ü

ü

ü

ʿ

ʿ

qI, ... , VI

qI, ... , VI

qˤ, ... , Vˤ



Notes.

1. All the sources, except for [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988, 1990], provide rather inconsistent and unreliable transcriptions of Aghul. This concerns, among other things, pharyngealization, tense fricatives and especially laryngeal phonemes.

2. Some Aghul dialects display unique systems in which the pharyngeal fricatives ʕ ħ are phonemically opposed to the epiglottal fricatives ʢ ʜ. Such is the situation at least in the Burshag/Koshan [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 338], Richa/Keren [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 339] and Gequn [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 340] dialects. Thus, in these dialects the systems of laryngeals can include up to seven phonemes: ʕ - ħ, ʢ - ʜ, ʡ, ʔ - h. On the contrary, certain other Aghul dialects lack the opposition between pharyngeal and epiglottal fricatives: among these are the Fite dialect [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 340] and the Tpig and Khpyuk sub-dialects of Proper Aghul (T. Maisak, p.c.). Normally, for Lezgian languages, which lack such an opposition, we transcribe pharyngeal-epiglottal fricatives as pharyngeal ʕ ħ, although these are actually epiglottal ʢ ʜ (according to Kodzasov’s reports). For Aghul dialects like Fite or Tpig, however, we prefer to use epiglottal ʢ ʜ for the sake of compatibility within Aghul data.

3. The seven-partite system of laryngeal phonemes (ʕ - ħ, ʢ - ʜ, ʡ, ʔ - h) is properly described and transcribed only in [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988, 1990] (followed by [NCED]). All the other sources reduce it to a five- or three-way opposition. E.g., in the Cyrillic transcription of Koshan forms from [Suleymanov 2003], both pharyngeal & epiglottal voiced fricatives ʕ ʢ are noted as {гI}, both pharyngeal & epiglottal voiceless fricatives ħ ʜ are noted as {хI}. In some cases, when the form, containing a pharyngeal or epiglottal phoneme, comes from a source other than Kibrik & Kodzasov, we are forced to transcribe it with the symbol H, which denotes an unidentified laryngeal.

4. Note the absence of the automatic prothesis ʔ- in vowel-initial forms.

5. Plain voiceless stops and affricates are actually aspirated: pʰ tʰ čʰ and so on. Following common practice, we omit the sign ʰ and denote these as plain voiceless consonants: p t č and so on.

6. In all Aghul dialects we denote pharyngealization as ˤ after the first vowel or after the first uvular obstruent (if there is a uvular in the phonetic word).

7. "Woolly voice" - a specific pharyngealization-like prosodic feature of some Aghul dialects, which is described by Kodzasov as the constriction of the upper pharynx [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 319, 339] ( in Kodzasov’s transcription) - has not been studied in detail yet. We do not note it in our transcription.

8. We do not mark stress, since the dialectal systems are not systematically described; furthermore, the place of stress seems to be synchronically predictable [Magometov 1970: 19 ff.].



8. Tabasaran (Northern, Southern).

According to [Magometov 1965: 14] and other authors, the Tabasaran language can be divided into two mutually intelligible dialects: Southern (or Nitrik) and Northern (or Suvak). As noted in [Alekseev & Shikhalieva 2003: 12, 15], it is possible to single out a third dialect: Eteg, which is close to Southern, but also demonstrates some Northern features; see the map in [Alekseev & Shikhalieva 2003: 12]. Literary Tabasaran (established in the 1920s) is based on the Southern dialect, although some grammar features - especially verbal class agreement - have been taken from Northern Tabasaran.

The available lexicographical data is sufficient for the compilation of two lists: Northern Tabasaran (the village Dyubek) and Southern Tabasaran (the village Kondik).

Northern Tabasaran (Dyubek): The main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988] and [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990], in which the sub-dialect of the village Dyubek (or Dyuvek) is described (K&K's siglum "ТАБД"). Additional sources are [Uslar 1979] and [Dirr 1905] - both volumes are based on the sub-dialect of the village Khanag and reflect the archaic language of the 2nd half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. A lot of words from various Northern Tabasaran dialects are contained in [Genko 2005], especially concerning the systematically quoted Khyuryuk sub-dialect (Genko's siglum "Х."). Several Swadesh items are missing from the available Dyubek sources (e.g., 'all', 'human skin'); in such cases it does not seem risky to fill the slot with the corresponding term from the very close Khanag sub-dialect. Some forms and grammatical information of Northern Tabasaran have been taken from [Magometov 1965].

Southern Tabasaran (Kondik): The main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988] and [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990], where the sub-dialect of the village Kondik (or Kandik) is described (K&K's siglum "ТАБК"). Additional sources, which describe the literary Tabasaran norm, are the dictionaries [Khanmagomedov & Shalbuzov 2001] and to a lesser degree [Khanmagomedov 1957], as well as several grammars: [Zhirkov 1948; Magometov 1965; Alekseev & Shikhalieva 2003]. An important source is the dictionary [Genko 2005], where the data of Khiv (without a specific siglum) and sporadically some other Southern sub-dialects are quoted. Several Swadesh items are missing from Kibrik & Kodzasov's volumes (e.g., 'all', 'human skin'); in such cases we fill the slot with the corresponding term from the close Khiv sub-dialect.

Lexical data of both Northern and Southern dialects of Tabasaran are systematically quoted in [Comrie & Khalilov 2010], but we prefer not to use this source due to its general unreliability.

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources (additionally, in [Genko 2005], labialization of velars and uvulars before the vowel a is denoted as {о} for some sub-dialects, e.g. {коа} for kʷa instead of the standard notation {ква}):



Modern literary alphabet, [Khanmagomedov & Shalbuzov 2001]

[Genko 2005]

[Magometov 1965]

[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]

[NCED]

MosLex


б

б

b

b

b

b

п

п

p

p

p

p

пп

пп

pə

p:

пI

пI


ф

ф

f

f

f

f

фф

fə

ff

f:


д

д

d

d

d

d

т

т

t

t

t

t

тт

тт

tə

t:

тI

тI


з

зз

ʒ

ʒ

ʒ

ʒ

ц

c

c

c

c

c

цц

cə

cə

c:

цI


з

з

z

z

z

z

с

с

s

s

s

s

сс

sə

ss

s:


ж

жж

ǯ

ǯ

ǯ

ǯ

ч

ч

č

č

č

č

чч

чч

čə

č̄

č:

čː

чI

чI

č̣

čʼ

č̣

čʼ


ж

ж

ž

ž

ž

ž

ш, щ

ш, щ

š

š

š

š

шш

šə

šš

š:

šː


жв

жъ, жь

ǯ̊

ʒ̊

ǯʷ

ǯʷ

чв

чв

č̊

čʷ

čʷ

ччв

ччв

č̊ə

c̄̊

č:ʷ

čːʷ

чIв

чъ, чь

č̣̊

c̊ʼ

č̣ʷ

čʼʷ


жв

жв

ž̊

žʷ

žʷ

шв

шв

š̊

šʷ

šʷ

шшв

š̊ə

s̊s̊

š:ʷ

šːʷ


г

г

g

g

g

g

к

к

k

k

k

k

кк

кк

kə

k:

кI

кI


гв

гв

кв

кв

ккв

ккв

ə

k̄˳

k:ʷ

kːʷ

кIв

кIв

ḳ̊

kʼ˳

ḳʷ

kʼʷ


г

гг

gʿ

ǧ

ɣ

ɣ

хь

хь

x

x

x

ххь

ə

x:


G

G

ɢ

хъ

хъ

q

q

q

q

къ

къ, къкъ, ккъ

qə

q:

кь

кь


ᵷw

ɢʷ

хъв

хъв

qw

къв

къв

qəw

q̄˳

q:ʷ

qːʷ

кьв

кьв

q̣w

qʼ˳

q̇ʷ

qʼʷ


гъ

гъ

ɣ

R

ʁ

ʁ

х

х

x

X

xx

xə

:

ː


гъв

гъв

ɣw

ʁʷ

ʁʷ

хв

хв

xw

ʷ

ʷ

xxв

xəw

ːʷ


ω

ʕ

hə

ħ


ъ, ʼ

ъ

ʼ

ʔ

ʔ

ʔ

гь

гь

h

h

h

h


м

м

m

m

m

m

н

н

n

n

n

n

р

р

r

r

r

r

л

л

l

l

l

l

в, ʼв

в

w

w

v, w

w

й (ю, я, е)

й (ю, я, е)

j

j

j

y


CC

CC

CC, C: